‘Your Freedom and Mine’ Jeff Miley talks about Öcalan

Jeff Miley in Dundee

Jeff is not your usual university lecturer. He is a Marxist, and he gladly admits that his interest in Öcalan, and the movement Öcalan has inspired, arose from a challenge by his student to go to Syria and see for himself. That student was Dilar Dirik whose articles and activism will be familiar to many Kurdish activists.

Four years on from that challenge, Jeff has edited a book, ‘Your Freedom and Mine: Abdullah Ocalan and the Kurdish Question in Erdogan’s Turkey’, and last week he was in Scotland to talk about it, addressing meetings in Edinburgh, Glasgow and Dundee. A central theme of his talk was the importance of this struggle for the wider world. Öcalan’s radical democracy, which transcends state borders and divisions, has provided us with a new articulation of anti-capitalism at this time of crisis, where our current system is driving us towards climate catastrophe, state terrorism and a resurgent far right. Solidarity is thus not ‘helping’ the Kurds, but learning from them and joining the struggle: understanding and spreading their manifesto for a democratic civilisation, and being inspired by their will to resist.

He stressed that for these ideas to succeed they have to spread, and that revolution only in one country is destined to fail, and he pointed out how the involvement of people outwith the Kurdish community can help demonstrate the internationalism of the movement. This involvement can include action in Western countries against militarism and climate change; and, importantly, also action in less developed countries, where people are actively looking for an alternative to imperialism. Jeff has seen for himself the positive reception Öcalan’s transformatory vision in the ghettos of Nairobi, among people with nothing to lose but their chains.

At the Lighthouse Bookshop, Edinburgh
At Glasgow City Unison

Please contact us if you are interested in a copy of the book.

St Andrews Day in Aberdeen

What better way to celebrate a national day than with an anti-racist march? SSK was very happy to be asked to speak at the rally in Aberdeen, where a rather damp crowd listened to the speech below:

Comrades, brothers and sisters,

I am very happy to be here on behalf of Scottish Solidarity with Kurdistan, not only because the Kurds are an often unnoticed minority in Scotland, and not only because Kurds are suffering a brutal repression at the hands of a Turkish government that Theresa May calls her friends and sells British-made arms to. What makes me especially glad to speak about the Kurds on an antiracist demonstration, is the opportunity to talk about the achievements of the radical Kurdish movement, inspired by Abdullah Öcalan – including all they have done to break down ethnic barriers and cut through religious prejudices.

In Turkey, in Northern Syria, and in the Qandil mountains of Iraq, the Kurds are striving to create an alternative system based on an inclusive bottom-up grassroots democracy. In a part of the world know for overwhelming patriarchy, their movement is actively feminist, pushing for women to take a full role in society and ensuring every organisation has male and female co-chairs. Theirs is a movement that values ecology and sees humanity as part of the natural world; and a movement that tries to ensure that all ethnic groups are able to practice their own culture and language and take full part in running society.

When, at the beginning of the Syrian civil war, Assad’s authority was in retreat, the Kurds in Northern Syria were able to take advantage of the power vacuum to take autonomous control of the areas where they lived and to put their radical democratic system into practice. But almost as soon as this was established, they were attacked by ISIS. The Kurds’ successful fight back in Kobanê was the first time that ISIS suffered a major defeat. And the Kurds and their allies have gone on to liberate other areas from ISIS and to bring those areas into a democratic federation. Syria is ethnically very mixed and the newly liberated areas are home to a wide range of different peoples, with different languages, cultures and religions. In setting up new structures huge care has been taken to ensure that all minorities are represented.

Although Öcalan started his political life fighting for a Kurdish state, this progressive Kurdish movement, which now turns its back on top-down state power, is only too alert to the dangers of any form of ethnic nationalism. They know that the majority group will always dominate the minorities – even a majority group that was once itself a minority.

I was able to see this radical politics in action when I visited Northern Syria in May. One of the places we visited was Manbij, which the Kurds liberated from ISIS and which is made up of several ethnic groups. We visited Manbij Women’s Council and met Arabs, Turkmen and Circassians, as well as Kurds. Discussion was slow as remarks often had to be translated into two languages, but they told us how they were knocking on the doors of all the families in their neighbourhoods, both to help the women come out and take an active role in wider society, and to remind people of old bonds and mixing between different ethnic groups and of the importance of working together.

Their approach provides an example of what is possible. But at the same time, every Middle Eastern and global power is intervening in Syria for their own selfish agenda, and these are often ready to play one ethnic group off against another for their own advantage. Turkey has systematically destroyed the Kurdish areas within their own borders, and invaded and overrun the Kurdish canton of Afrîn in Northern Syria, which had become a safe haven for refugees from across the region.

Now Turkey is eyeing up Manbij and even Kobanê. And although the US and Europe are happy to support the Kurds in the fight against ISIS, they have no interest in supporting the Kurds’ radical project, or even in protecting the Kurds themselves.

But the more that people across the world spread the word about what is happening, the harder it will be for our governments to continue to act with impunity. International solidarity is vital to protect both the Kurdish people and the revolutionary ideas that they have gifted to all of us.

Report from Turkey and you risk being held at gun point – but for local journalists the risks are even greater

Steve Sweeney is foreign correspondent for the Morning Star, and when he spoke last Monday to a joint SSK/Morning Star public meeting in Glasgow about his experiences in Turkey, there were several moments when we realised how extra lucky we were to have him alive and well in front of us. Like when he described how he had realised that the man who had been fixing things for him and his colleagues was a member of the ultra-right MHP and had been planning to hand them over to ISIS. By that time they had already had guns pointed at them and just missed being deliberately run down by a car. Or when he told us about the occasion when security forces held them at gunpoint for eight hours in the heat without food or water, threatening to take them into the mountains to use for target practice. To add to their discomfort they had had to watch a stray dog being hosed down and fed – and before they were released Steve was made to pose with a gun, creating photographic ‘evidence’ for his file.

But, as Steve stressed, he had at least been left free to report. Of all the world’s journalists who have been imprisoned, 1/3 are in Turkey, and the crackdown has only intensified. In one week, 84 journalists were put on trial.  Around 10,000 journalists have been deprived of their press cards, and those still working survive through self-censorship, so it is hard for people in Turkey to get access to alternative views. The last remaining liberal newspaper was stormed by armed police a month ago, and its board sacked and replaced by government supporters.

Of course the crackdown is not limited to journalists. After the failed coup, which President Erdoğan described as a ‘gift from God’, public sector workers, academics, activists and politicians have all lost jobs wholesale, with many under arrest for ‘terrorism’. Steve told us that he had made many attempts to attend the trial proceedings of the former HDP co-chair Figen Yuksekdag, but no observers have been allowed.

Steve covered Turkey’s constitutional referendum, where they counted unstamped ballots, and critical outside observers were dismissed as ‘terrorists’. And he described covering the subsequent election, where in every polling station he visited in the Kurdish area of Van voters had to cast their ballot under the watchful eye of a soldier with a rifle. He told us, too, how he managed to interview the families of people who had been deliberately burnt alive in Cizre basements as the Turkish security forces besieged and flattened their city.

Steve was scathing about the Tory government’s support for the Turkish government. He argued that the most effective way to help the people of Turkey is to bring down the Tory government here; but he also expressed disappointment at the lack of solidarity action from the Labour opposition. None of the international organisations have found it in their interest to restrain the Turkish government. The EU has handed Turkey billions of pounds in exchange for them keeping refugees out of Europe. Steve told how he had sent the UN video evidence of Turkey’s chemical attack on Afrin, but no-one came to investigate.

UK government callousness extends to the treatment of those who have had to flee from Turkey. With Steve was a young Kurdish journalist who had been in the UK when the Turkish government cracked down on her whole politically active family and took away her passport. Now, as an asylum seeker, she gets almost no help and is not allowed to work.

With journalists under such threats, the least we can do is make sure that every report is well publicised and read.

Talks, protests, and a bit of dancing

On this centenary of what was claimed to be the war to end all wars, it is especially sobering to look at the world today, still riven by the same imperial forces that brought about the carnage of a hundred years ago. In the imperial settlements that followed that destruction, the Kurds were made a promise of their own state – only the promise was broken. The current battles in the Middle East are so intense that some Kurdish commentators have described what is happening now as a third world war. But this is a war that increasingly slips out of Western minds, and we have our work cut out to keep people informed as to what is happening.

Kobane Day, Glasgow

This busy month began with Kobanê Day, when we not only commemorated the defeat of the Daesh siege in 2014 (with a bit of dancing), but highlighted the current threat from Turkey. There was a discussion at our main event in Glasgow, and an emergency lunchtime protest in Dundee; and, the following day, the Edinburgh Kurdish community organised a protest outside the Scottish Parliament.

On Sunday 4 November, SSK’s Sarah Glynn took part in a discussion on Liberation Movements and Solidarity Campaigns at the Edinburgh Radical Book Fair, alongside George Kerevan who focused on Catalonia and Jim Slavin who looked at Ireland.

Edinburgh Radical Book Fair

And on Wednesday 7 November Sarah gave the main talk at the AGM of the Scottish Parliament Cross Party Group on Kurdistan, describing what she had learnt on her visit to Northern Syria in May. There were a lot of people there from the Kurdish community, and the talk was followed by a discussion of how to restrict Turkey’s aggression. The Scottish Parliament has no say over foreign policy, but the MSP group chairs were left with a long to-do list.

Stand up for Kobanê

With Turkey again turning their guns on Rojava, and threatening further attacks, we marked Kobanê Day in Dundee with some emergency protest/solidarity action in the city centre.

Here is what we wrote on the leaflets  we handed out:


4 years ago, the world watched in awe as the Kurds of Kobanê carried out a heroic defence of their city that was a turning point in the battle against ISIS. We also learnt about the alternative autonomous society they were creating in Northern Syria, based on grassroots democracy, feminism and secularism. In the midst of the barbarism of the Syrian civil war they were creating a model society that is a source of inspiration to us all. But none of the surrounding imperial powers want to see this succeed.

Turkey has suppressed the Kurds within its borders for 100 years and dreams of a new Ottoman empire. In 2014 Turkey made it clear that they hoped and expected that Kobanê would fall. Earlier this year, we protested Turkey’s brutal invasion of the peaceful and predominantly Kurdish region of Afrîn. Most of the Kurds of Afrîn are now refugees, while Jihadi gangs occupy their homes and terrorise the remaining population. November 1 is Kobanê Day when the world remembers the city’s stand against ISIS. But now, even as Kurdish soldiers are still battling the remnants of ISIS further south, Turkey has announced plans for taking their invasion of the Kurdish areas of Syria further, and they have turned their guns on villages in the Kobanê  region. The Kurds have had to call a temporary halt to their action against ISIS to defend their homes and the peaceful and inspiring democracy that they have built.

Turkey was able to take Afrîn because the world stood aside. The UK government continues to call the increasingly fascistic Turkish government their friends and to sell them arms. So far, the attacks on the Kobanê region have been limited, but that is how the invasion of Afrîn started too. We need to make it clear that any attack is unacceptable. Please join us in showing solidarity to the people of Kobanê and in calling on the UK government to end its support for Turkey.

Find out what is happening, (check out check out anfenglishmobile.com and theregion.org), write to your MP, and join us in Scottish Solidarity with Kurdistan.

A film by a YPG volunteer

Alexis Daloumis is a Greek filmmaker and an Anarchist and fought as a volunteer with the YPG in Manbij and Raqqa. And last Friday he told SSK Dundee about his plans for making a documentary with the material he gathered while there. Wearing a camera while fighting must add yet another layer of difficulty, but it certainly allows those who watch the resulting film to get a sense of what it would be like to be there.

Between fighting, Alexis made promotional videos for the International Freedom Battalion. After his first production, which featured the reading of a careful and defiant political statement, he was encouraged to have a bit more fun:

Other clips show the volunteers’ daily life – and death, in the form of a martyr’s burial.

Alexis has lots more material, including interviews, and is currently touring round the UK to raise funds for editing and translation. The Dundee meeting was arranged at a day’s notice and the audience was mostly students – not so good for fund raising, but excellent to discover new young people interested in what is happening in Northern Syria.

We will share the fundraising page and film preview as soon as it becomes available.

Here is the fundraising page, including the promotional preview (11/11/2018)

Late Summer

Our AGM, in Glasgow on the 6th September, included a talk by Sarah Glynn on her visit to Northern Syria. We were pleased to welcome new friends and old, including James Kelman, who is a long-standing supporter of the Kurds.

On 19th August we had our usual stall at the Unison Family and Friends day at New Lanark.

And Ocalan was not forgotten in the alternative wall built for the Glasgow demonstration against Trump’s visit to Scotland.

Notes from the Women’s Revolution in Northern Syria

This article, by Sarah Glynn, was first published by Commonspace on 28th August 2018

Leading members of the Democratic Union Party (PYD) in Qamishlo

When the Kurds and their friends in the autonomous Democratic Federation of Northern Syria use the revolutionary slogan ‘Jin Jiyan Azadi!’ – Women Life Freedom! – this is no empty phrase. They are summing up the essence of a revolution that has women’s freedom at its heart, both physically and philosophically. When I visited Northern Syria with a women’s delegation in May, I learnt that the women revolutionaries were not just the young girls with guns so beloved by war photographers, but also middle-aged women in long floral dresses who are building a new society in the neighbourhoods where they live. This is a revolution of extraordinary ordinary people who are taking control of their own lives through a new bottom-up democracy. In this transformation of a traditional middle-eastern tribal society, women are involved at the centre of the new democratic structures at all levels, as well as building their own women’s organisations. There is a long history of women’s participation in the Kurdish freedom struggle, and the centrality of women’s liberation has been ensured by the political writings of PKK leader, Abdullah Öcalan. Öcalan has spent the last 19 years isolated in a Turkish prison, but, just as his portrait presides over every progressive Kurdish organisation, so his ideas provide a constant source of reference and inspiration.

Of all the achievements of this Kurdish revolution, the liberation of women has probably made the greatest difference to people’s lives. For half the population, freedom means not only ending control by Asaad’s authoritarian Baathist state, which hadn’t even recognised Kurds as citizens, but also the removal of centuries-heavy patriarchal beliefs and practices that have regulated everything from civil society to family relations. For Sara, who we met in Kobanê, when the Syrian regime withdrew control and the Kurds were able to set up their own autonomous organisations, it was ‘as though a rock had been lifted and there were green shoots underneath’. This is an image of oppression banished, but also of a new world that had long gestated in hiding, waiting for the opportunity to grow. Syria’s Kurds have nursed their revolutionary ideas over decades, especially since Öcalan and the PKK formed an exiled base in the country in the 1980s and 90s.

Arriving at a neighbourhood women’s commune in Kobanê

For those of us looking for a more inclusive alternative to the deeply-flawed democracies with which we are familiar, Northern Syria’s autonomous system, where everything is controlled as locally as possible, provides a living, if evolving, example of a different way of doing things. Although many people are still learning how to take part – which allows the main political party considerable influence via its educational and enabling role[1] – and although many strategic decisions are made centrally, people’s involvement with the new systems and organisations demonstrates a commitment to making these more participatory structures work. Central to this is the involvement of the women. Every significant organisation or committee is expected to have active women members, and female as well as male co-chairs – and during the course of our visit we met many of these impressive women. In addition, in response both to the importance given to women’s involvement and to the practicalities of moving from a traditional patriarchal society, there is a parallel structure of women-only organisations, confederated as Kongreya Star, the organisation who hosted our visit.

Community mobilisation depends on talking to your neighbours, and women are playing a key role in knocking on doors and discussing with all the various family members. While women’s liberation is high on their agenda, they also address relations between different ethnic and religious groups. In Manbij, where we met with members of the Women’s Council, the need for both these interventions is especially acute. Manbij was liberated from ISIS by Kurdish forces and their predominantly Arab allies in 2016, and is ethnically very mixed. ISIS had encouraged ethnic division as well as the subjugation of women. Unlike in the predominantly Kurdish areas, Manbij has no history of revolutionary organisation, but the women told us how they were inspired by their Kurdish comrades, as well as by the Kurdish women of the YPJ who helped liberate them.  Their palpable hope and optimism makes the current insecurity over the future of Manbij especially poignant.

Women are involved in all fields. Our meeting at the Women’s Economy Centre in Qamishlo demonstrated the ambition and potential of this revolutionary movement, but also the everyday difficulties of instituting fundamental change. While the rhetoric is avowedly anti-capitalist, and advances from big international companies have been rebuffed, economic change has so far been limited and piecemeal. The main work of the committee is the establishment of women’s co-ops. Most of these co-ops are very small, and difficulties include husbands who don’t see the need for their wives to work and question their abilities. The co-ops are meant to respond to community need rather than purely economic criteria, but at this stage their main role is to give the women involved the economic independence that can provide the basis for social freedom.

A Jinwar veranda

The flagship of the women’s movement is the women’s village, Jinwar. When we visited, this was under construction, with one house being used by the organisers, and the first household about to move in. The people involved were able to allay several of my concerns over the idea of a women-only village, however, there are clearly still problems to be resolved. It is intended that the village will provide a home for some of the very many women who have been widowed or have escaped abusive relationships, as well as for those who might simply chose to live in a female environment. This women’s refuge is badly needed, but I was worried about the socialisation of children brought up in such a protected environment, and how well they would be prepared for interacting with a wider world. I was therefore glad to see that there was no sense of isolation. Women and men from nearby villages were taking in active interest in the village’s construction; and the educational programmes that are planned will be addressed to men as well as to women, since both have to change in order to change patriarchal society. This still leaves questions about the future of village households when children become young men, or women find new male partners. The village is intended to be much more than a place for people to live; it will provide an example of a different way of living. Ecological considerations have prompted the choice of traditional mud-brick construction rather than the almost ubiquitous concrete of other new buildings, and the builders stress that this provides a more comfortable, as well as attractive, environment. Other plans include a centre for natural medicine. I hope that the practical approach so evident in the various places we visited will allow ‘female’ nurturing and personal care to be combined with the best of modern scientific practice.

Everywhere, the people we spoke to were clear about the scale of the task they have taken on in trying to change society. Looking specifically at the situation of the women, the difficulties, and also the necessity, of change can be measured in the growing divorce rate resulting from women asserting their freedom. But at the women’s organisations we visited, the natural and mutually respectful relations we observed between the men and women showed what is possible.

The growth of the green shoots of women’s freedom has been both remarkable and inspiring, but we need to be careful not to attribute to it powers that it cannot hope to live up to. Öcalan’s ideas have been liberatory, but they could ultimately prove a constraint. Extrapolating from his belief that women’s subjugation was the primal enslavement that led to the development of hierarchy, violence and state power, he concludes that the key to the good society lies with women, who must take over the revolutionary role that Marx assigned to the working class[2]. These ideas are taught under the title of Jineology, from the Kurdish jin, meaning women, and are based around a fundamental dualism. Power and violence are associated with masculinity and ‘capitalism and the nation-state are the monopolism of the tyrannical and exploitative male’[3], while the feminine is associated with nature, emotional intelligence and communality. Jineology promotes these ‘feminine’ attributes, but it also acknowledges that this gendered division is social and not innate, and herein lies a contradiction. If our hope for a better future can be found in ideas and practices that are linked to the female sex only by convention, then this future should be achieved through the promotion of those practices, rather than necessarily in action by women; and the liberation of women, though an essential part of any liberatory movement, need not be sufficient to lead to wider revolutionary change. (As the UK’s women prime ministers have demonstrated, women are just as capable of donning the ‘male’ attributes of power and violence.) Assigning women the role of the revolutionary class on the basis of gendered characteristics risks ossifying gender distinctions, as well as burdening women with expectations they should not have to bear alone. It can also result in overlooking and failing to address the economic causes of inequality. Even if we accept Öcalan’s view that hierarchical distinction began with the subjugation of women, it doesn’t follow that the liberation of women would reverse other inequalities.  The huge achievements that Öcalan has inspired must not prevent us from critical analysis of his philosophy; in fact they make this all the more necessary. The Kurdish women’s revolution is no holy grail, but it is a source of hope and inspiration for us all.

[1] When I interviewed Salih Muslim, then co-chair of the Democratic Union Party (PYD), for Common Space in 2016, he stressed how the party developed and propagated political ideas, see https://www.commonspace.scot/articles/10058/discovering-syria-s-real-revolution-conversation-pyd-co-chair-salih-muslim

[2] Öcalan, Abdullah (2017) Liberating Life: Woman’s Revolution, International Initiative Edition in cooperation with Mesopotamian Publishers, Neuss [www.ocalan-books.com/#/book/liberating-life-womans-revolution] p54

[3] Öcalan (2017) p45


Erdoğan and Netanyahu, two sides of the same Imperialist Coin

The article below, by Sarah Glynn was published by Bella Caledlonia on 6th August 2018

Like many other left activists, I have been on the streets to show solidarity both with the Kurds, under attack from Turkey, and with the Palestinians, under attack from Israel. So it is disconcerting and depressing to get comments from Zionists supporting my posts on the Kurds, and to see pro-Palestinian Facebook friends welcoming Turkish President Erdoğan’s autocracy. It is also understandable, because this is precisely what the Turkish and Israeli leaders have orchestrated. 

Erdoğan wants to be seen as the leader of the Muslim world. Overt support for the Palestinian cause is an essential part of this, as well as a vote winner at home. But, as the Co-Chair of the leftist, pro-Kurdish, People’s Democratic Party (HDP) has pointed out,[1] for this to be more than mere propaganda, Erdoğan’s government should end Turkey’s commercial, political and military deals with Israel. In his early years as Prime Minister, in 2005, Erdoğan visited Israel aiming to ‘build on trade and military ties,[2a,2b] and in 2007, Israel’s Shimon Peres returned the visit. Relations soured when Turkey condemned Israel’s 2008-9 attack on Gaza, and Israel accused Turkey of hosting Hamas recruiters. Eventually, in 2011, in a belated response to Israel’s attack on the Mavi Marmara (the Turkish boat that was part of the international flotilla against the Gaza blockade) Turkey suspended military co-operation with Israel and expelled the Israeli Ambassador. However, even then, Turkey’s foreign minister made clear that ‘Our aim here is not to hurt our friendship but to return this friendship to its right track’.[3a,3b] And, although a reconciliation agreement was not signed until 2016, when difficult relations with Russia left Turkey in need of friends, none of this hindered economic ties.[4] In 2017, Turkish exports to Israel totalled £2.52 Billion.[5]

This May, when Turkey again expelled Israel’s ambassador in a very public response to the latest attacks on Gaza, and called Israel a ‘terrorist state’ and Israel’s Prime Minister Netanyahu a ‘terrorist, Netanyahu was quick to point out Erdoğan’s even greater hypocrisy. He tweeted, ‘Someone who occupies northern Cyprus, invades the Kurdish regions, and slaughters civilians in Afrîn should not preach to us about values and ethics’.[6] This, in its turn, shouldn’t be taken as showing genuine Israeli support for the Kurds in Turkey or Afrîn – or for their avowedly anti-capitalist politics, which are an anathema to Israel’s neoliberal state. In both eastern Turkey and northern Syria (including Afrîn), the Kurds have developed forms of autonomous organisation based on ideas developed by the Kurdistan Workers’ Party, the PKK, and its imprisoned leader, Abdullah Öcalan. Netanyahu has made clear that ‘Israel opposes the PKK and considers it a terrorist organization’,[7] and their main concern when it comes to Syria is the elimination of Iranian influence.

The semi-feudal, pro-US regime in Iraqi Kurdistan (which operates a blockade on the Syrian Kurdish areas) is another matter. Israel has a long history of support for the Iraqi Kurds, though this has always been driven by Israeli strategic interests. In the 1960s, the Kurds were seen as a counter to the pro-Arab, pro-Soviet, Iraqi Government, and Israel provided military aid and training in alliance with the Shah of Iran. Israel continues to value the Iraqi Kurds as a buffer to Arab powers, and also to Islamic Iran; and Iraqi Kurdistan supplies a large part of Israel’s oil needs.[8] Netanyahu publicly supported the Iraqi Kurds’ ‘aspirations for independence’ in 2014,[9] and Israel was the only state to give open support to last year’s independence referendum. The Israeli Justice Minister explained, ‘A free Kurdistan should be established, at least in Iraq. It is in the United States’ and Israel’s interest for this to happen.’[10] Israeli flags were waved in Erbil, though, so far, it has not been in Israel’s interest to recognise Iraqi Kurdistan as an independent state.

Behind all the rhetoric, both Turkey and Israel embrace increasingly-blatant blood and soil nationalism, and they share a remarkably similar approach to the main ‘other’ ethnic group over which they attempt to maintain control, even though the underlying logic is different. Turkish nationalism accommodates the Kurds if, and only if, they are prepared to forget their own culture and subsume into the Turkish majority, while Israel insists that Palestinians are separate and inferior; but both countries are ruthless in their attempts to impose their dominance. Both deny basic rights and freedoms, including the right of self-determination. Both are quick to brand any and all resistance as ‘terrorism’, and to use this to justify brutal suppression. Both have no qualms about extending their classification of terrorists to include a whole population, and subjecting that population to collective punishment, including destroying homes and displacing long-established communities. Both carry out aggressive invasions under the pretence of defending their own borders. Statements put out by the two imperial leaders are often interchangeable if you swap ‘Kurds’ with ‘Palestinians’.

This similarity has long been recognised by both Kurds and Palestinians themselves, who have understood their shared colonial condition. So it should come as no surprise that the Palestine Liberation Organisation – especially its Marxist factions, the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) and the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine (DFLP) – played a major role in training PKK guerrillas, and that thirteen PKK cadres lost their lives in the fight against Israel’s occupation of Lebanon in 1982.[11]

In more recent years, the PKK has moved from being a Marxist-Leninist liberation movement, to espousing grass-roots autonomy and Democratic Confederalism, based on the ideas of Murray Bookchin; but the main Palestinian leadership has abandoned its links with the left. The PFLP continues to promote a left agenda – and Leila Khaled was a guest at the HDP Congress in Ankara in February[12] – however, Palestinian National Authority President, Mahmoud Abbas, and his Fatah party follow a more ‘pragmatic’ politics, while Gaza is administered by Hamas Islamists who have no time for leftist ideas or those who propagate them. Abbas has developed increasingly cordial relations with Turkey, with Fatah’s only worry being Turkey’s closer relationship with Hamas.[13]Hamas shares Erdoğan’s Islamist ideology, and Khaled Mashal, a leading figure in the organisation, praised Turkey’s unprovoked invasion and occupation of the previously peaceful, predominantly Kurdish, canton of Afrîn in Northern Syria. Mashal declared that ‘Victory in Afrîn was a model of Turkish will, and God willing we will record heroic victories to support our Islamic nation.’[14]

Supporting the Palestinians’ anti-imperialist struggle is a very different thing from supporting Hamas. It is not only possible, but also necessary, to argue both for the Palestinians’ right to choose their own leadership, and against the organisation and ideology that many Palestinians have chosen. Most of us who campaign for Palestinian rights do not want to see an Islamic state. Hamas has no time for socialism or women’s equality, and it cannot claim to be anti-imperialist while acting as cheer-leader for Turkish colonialism. This is yet another example of hypocrisy

In contrast, the PFLP, the PKK and the HDP have all take a consistent anti-imperialist line on both Turkey and Israel (though it has to be acknowledged that the PFLP has a blind spot when it comes to criticising Saddam Hussein, who carried out brutal collective punishment on the Kurds of Iraq[15]). In February, Leila Khaled told the HDP Congress, ‘You are the voice of those who resist colonialism. I greet you on behalf of the fighting Palestinian people. We also raise our voice against the war in Afrîn’.[16]  And in May, as Israel attacked the Gaza protestors, the PKK’s message of support for the Palestinians recalled their shared history, and declared, ‘The alliance and the common struggle of the Kurdish and Arab peoples will play a historical role in liberating the whole of the peoples of the Middle East.’[17] The HDP Co-Chair also called for a ‘common struggle for peace’, and observed that what the Turkish Government is ‘doing against the Kurdish people, the Israeli Government is doing against the Palestinian people. When you are part of the problem in these lands, you cannot produce a solution.’ [18]

Solidarity with the anti-imperialist struggle and with the fight for a better future for the Middle East, means solidarity with both the Kurds and the Palestinians in their struggles against Turkey and Israel, and against all the other imperial powers competing for a share of resources and control. Whether we are in the Middle East or Scotland, we need the strength that comes from working together in mutual support.

Stop Arming Turkish Aggression

Thanks to Billy Knox Photography

The merchants of death have set up their stalls in our back yard, courtesy of Glasgow City Council, and we brought our banner and flags to join the protest. People from many different groups came together to show anger and disgust at the presence of the arms fair in the SECC, and it was good to see Kurdish and Palestinian flags flying together. There are so many parallels between Erdogan’s treatment of the Kurds and Netanyahu’s treatment of the Palestinians, and it is important to expose the hypocrisy of both Erdogan’s professed support for the Palestinians and Netanyahu’s claims to care about the Kurds.

There was an impromptu speech on behalf of the Kurdish community and Scottish Solidarity with Kurdistan

and we handed out close to 200 leaflets. This is what they said:


At least two of the firms exhibiting in the SECC have made weapons for Turkey. Turkey has become increasingly authoritarian. Anyone who criticises the government can lose their job or even be sent to prison for ‘terrorism’. You can be arrested simply for singing a Kurdish song.

In SE Turkey, the Turkish military has inflicted collective punishment on Kurdish towns, reducing them to rubble and displacing hundreds of thousands of Kurdish civilians. And Turkey is intervening in both Syria and Iraq. Earlier this year, Turkey carried out an unprovoked attack on the previously peaceful, predominantly Kurdish, region of Afrin in Northern Syria. Turkey allied with radical jihadists and boasted of their plans for clearing the area of its Kurdish population. Before this attack, Afrin was a place where different communities lived in harmony and women could take a full part in community life. Now, over 100,000 Afrin residents have become refugees, and among those who remain, Kurds and non-Muslims are persecuted, women must stay inside and veil, and rape, kidnapping and looting are rife. Meanwhile, the fight against ISIS has been set back as Kurdish fighters were diverted to protect their homeland. And Turkey now threatens to move further into Syria.

Despite all this, the UK Government regard Turkey as a ‘priority market’ for arms exports. One of Teresa May’s first acts as Prime Minister was helping to arrange a £100 million deal for BAE SYSTEMS to assist Turkey develop new fighter jets.

The Italian arms firm, LEONARDO has had a long partnership with Turkey and makes laser targeting systems in its Edinburgh factory. These are used on the F16 fighters that attacked the Kurds in Afrin. Leonardo has received £6 million of Scottish Enterprise funding.

These companies, and those who support them, have blood on their hands.

P.S. Here’s more from Common Space

And Glasgow City Councils promise not to host another arms fair